A call from Myanmar

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took Delhi by storm. There have been few occasions in recent years to match the public outpouring and eagerness with which people flocked to her. She is a great global icon, of course, and a vast turnout for her was always on the cards.

Also, Delhi regards her as one of its own, someone who lived and studied here, knows the place well, and has legions of friends and admirers in this city. The government led the welcome, all the topmost dignitaries being involved in the numerous social and public events in her honour.

Beyond that was the response of the ordinary citizens who did not hold back in pouring out their warm sentiments towards the visitor. Her obvious pleasure and delight in being back in a place where she spent important growing years enhanced the good feelings about her and drew the public closer.

The media could not have enough of her: it earned her willing cooperation and lavished its attention on her. Perhaps there was a buried desire to compensate for the many years when she and her cause received less than their due in India, a country to which she feels particularly close. Whatever the reasons, there was no doubting the spontaneity and warmth of Delhi’s reception for this illustrious visitor.

The formal reason for her presence was to accept, finally, the Jawaharlal Nehru Award presented to her decades ago but held in abeyance as she was denied the right to leave Burma (as she called it, rather than the currently more usual Myanmar) to come here to claim it.

Her acceptance speech was an important statement of her beliefs and a revealing expression of her outstanding leadership qualities. Delhi responded to Aung San Suu Kyi’s gracious presence; her tough inner core was also to be discerned. Her readiness to accept the privations and disabilities of being confined to her house for years was not flaunted, but her audience was made aware of it and of the harshness of the restrictive measures she had to experience. It was evident, too, that having been through the crucible, she was now a seasoned, confident leader, ready for the challenges ahead.

She spoke of the inspiration she had drawn from Gandhiji and, especially, from Nehru, who became close to her family. She had her own perception of the achievements of these supreme Indian leaders, finding in their words and actions specific pointers for the course she herself had pursued. Her recollections of these great men came as a reminder of the high expectations engendered by India, at home and in its neighbourhood, at the time of its independence and freedom.

Something of that spirit would seem to have been re-created in Myanmar yesterday by ASSK. She said in Delhi, as she has often said elsewhere, that the task of restoration in her country had only begun and there was much more to be done before proper democratic functioning was restored.

She made no pitch for external support, nor did she dwell on the obstacles to be faced and overcome at home. It was evident that she considered the driver of change to be Myanmar’s own belief in democratic restoration, not the ideas and wishes of anyone else.

ASSK did not demur from expressing disappointment at India’s toning down its support for democratic restoration in Myanmar after initially giving it full support. It says much for her that she was able to do this, from a premier public forum in India, in a non-contentious but nevertheless forthright manner.

When Myanmar’s generals first intervened and took over their country, there was a huge outcry all over the world, nowhere stronger than in India. Especially resonant were the All India Radio bulletins beamed to an avid audience in Myanmar. This became an encouragement to the suppressed democratic opposition and an irritant to the junta that had settled in for a long stay. India’s voice became progressively isolated, however, as others of Myanmar’s neighbours moved towards some form of engagement with the regime.

From the start, China was cautious and reluctant to show hostility to a regime that seemed to have established itself firmly on its border, and as matters progressed China became the principal arms supplier to Myanmar and its main external partner. India began to feel uncomfortable and saw a need to maintain some links with Myanmar, whose strategic importance could not be ignored.

Gearing up ties with the junta necessarily meant reduced backing from New Delhi for the democracy movement, and it is this that ASSK referred to in her speech. She was understanding of the Indian dilemma, though could have wished for better.

Another significant development in Myanmar is the decision of President Obama to visit that country in the next few days. Ever since President Thein Sein, a former military officer, pushed through important measures of liberalisation, the most significant being those relating to ASSK’s personal liberty and ability to engage in political activity, the USA has been active in showing approval and in providing encouragement.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has led the parade of prominent US dignitaries who have visited Myanmar, and now Obama will be on the same route. This measure of attention bespeaks not ideological gratification alone at the measures of democratic restoration but also points to renewed strategic interest and thrust.

The continued rise of China and the many unresolved issues between that country and the US are having a growing impact on the Asian political configuration, and Myanmar is not far from the centre of concern. For years, when the unblinking generals ran the show with studied disregard for external opinion, the US and its partners did what they could to isolate and bear down on Myanmar.

Stringent sanctions were applied with damaging effect, so that what was once a prosperous land is today left far behind. China has become ever more closely involved in plans to develop the rich natural resources of Myanmar, its forest and mineral resources and its river potential. There could be something of a nationalistic reaction to the overwhelming Chinese presence, which would be an encouragement to others to make their presence felt. Thus as the isolation of the country eases, the strategic demands on it are taking a more testing shape.

In some Western think-tanks, India has been projected as an Asian counterweight to China. This may not be a role it has chosen for itself, but yet India’s dealings with Myanmar over the last several years show awareness of the impact on its interests of the developing situation in that country. Slow normalisation in Myanmar means that the situation there and in its environs is becoming more fluid. There are new tests to be faced.

The writer is India’s former Foreign Secretary.